⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Analysis Of Contemporary Terrorism

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Analysis Of Contemporary Terrorism



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International Relations - The Challenge of Global Terrorism

Popular 1. CARR Email. Interested in learning about radical right extremism or terrorism? Reply 12 Retweet Favorite. How is the notion of the metapolitical crusader being used by the far-right? Reply 3 Retweet Favorite. Reply 15 Retweet Favorite. Is Russia growing increasingly unfree? Reply 2 Retweet Favorite. This includes the following…. The Latest. Within the global new right, Guillaume Faye is considered a genius and an intellectual prophet. In early , two Swedish youngsters were prosecuted for carrying out an arson-attack against a mink farm in Sweden, motivated by eco-fascist, accelerationist ideas.

With obvious links to…. Hoffman like many other scholars studying terrorism asserts the act of violence is carried out in attempt to reach political agendas. Does the latter statement hold truth, are acts of terror done at free will or are they an outcry in attempt to reach political objectives? Martha Crenshaw is one of many scholars who study the psychology of terrorism and she makes the claim that the purpose of terrorism is preeminently political and symbolic. Crenshaw suggests that terrorism is deliberate and systemic violence performed by small groups of people. She believes that terrorism is meant to hurt but not destroy, in that it is unlike genocide which purpose serves to eliminate entire communities Crenshaw. For example in war society accepts killing for self-defense.

Nations tend to get involved when there is an oppressing government in other countries. Fromm believes that the definition of sin has changed in society when it is meant to a certain extent have a beneficial outcome. Osama bin Laden was one of the United States most wanted for the attacks on September His analysis focused on power relationships in society as expressed through, in particular, the written word. Conducting such an analysis offers a means of challenging the way the world has come to be constructed as it is and how it may be constructed differently.

Politics East Asia, Islam cannot be blamed for a mindset that people of other cultures and religions have. Furthermore, extremism mindsets and ideals have existed before Islam was created and perhaps since the beginning of humans. One of the worst events in human history, the Holocaust, was caused by extremist Nazis, who were not Islamic. This means that every person has a spark of extremism in their veins. This study attempt to provide complete understanding of the contemporary terrorism by utilizing theoretical perspective specially tells us about the political realities and identical actions and realities of the society which are constructed by human beings they are not inherently exist in society.

We use language to structure our world. Language not only determines how we see the world, but also what kinds of actions are possible. It functions as an instrument of power and groups struggling for domination use language to create and maintain a hegemonic regime of truth. It is often argued that it is used for evil purposes all the time and that terrorism is essentially always the same irrespective of the context it emerges from. Here we discern a descent toward incoherence. On the one hand, a foreign national is prohibited from spending money on American elections, including advertising. On the other hand, that ban extends only to spending on express advocacy for or against a candidate. As noted earlier, most of the spending by the Russians in involved issue advocacy and not express advocacy.

What about internet speech by Russian agents? They were presumably paid to speak, so the same distinction applies; speech about the issues would be permitted. A foreign national spending money on speech that advocates the election or defeat of a candidate apparently threatens the integrity of elections. A foreign national discussing the issues debated during an election does not pose the same threat. This distinction may belie an assumption that using money to support speech would enable a foreign power to coordinate direct influence over voters and thereby affect the outcome of an election. Observations by random foreign nationals would not likely be effective.

The assumption is paternalistic and contravenes many of the justifications for freedom of speech found in Supreme Court decisions about freedom of speech. At the same time, voters are assumed to be capable of dealing with issue advocacy by foreign nationals. So there is a tension here that reflects badly yet well on the United States.

Speech by foreign nationals is not just a threat to national security. If it were only a threat, that threat would be countered by banning all foreign speech. But speech by foreign nationals also offers benefits to Americans, so banning all foreign speech would involve significant costs. For this reason, foreign speech is often regulated but not prohibited. FARA required agents of foreign powers to register with the federal government; in short, people who are paid by a foreign government must disclose that relationship. To protect the national defense, internal security, and foreign relations of the United States by requiring public disclosure by persons engaging in propaganda activities and other activities for or on behalf of foreign governments, foreign political parties, and other foreign principals so that the Government and the people of the United States may be informed of the identity of such persons and may appraise their statements and actions in the light of their associations and activities.

Policy and law are likely the most important contexts for the speech of foreign agents. Foreign governments, acting on behalf of their citizens, need not represent only the interests of foreigners. For example, an exporting nation might wish to make the case against American protectionism. Note that such advocacy might also favor consumers in the United States. Such speech hardly threatens U. In other cases, the interests of governments and peoples diverge, and the speech of foreign agents may run counter to the interests of the American people. Even though this speech could be divergent and a potential security threat, it does not require censorship. Public officials, including members of Congress and the executive branch, often meet and hear the arguments of foreign agents.

Apparently, registering and thereby disclosing such agents sufficiently protects American security in those situations. Censorship is also apparently not necessary to protect public opinion. The TV channel RT, which is funded by the Russian government, has been required to register as a foreign agent. The content of the speech on RT might be similar to or even the same as an advertisement purchased or speech otherwise uttered by a foreign agent. Even though RT is funded by the Russian government, it was required to register as a foreign agent rather than go silent.

Apparently, voters can sort out the propaganda on a television network funded by the Russian government but not the advertising paid for by it. In sum, American law permits some speech by foreign nationals during an election. The law may permit issue advocacy by foreign nationals. It does not permit foreign nationals to spend money directly on elections, especially by buying advertising that supports or opposes a candidate. There is little evidence that the Russian efforts had much effect on the American voters in But as Brendan Nyhan, a professor of public policy at the University of Michigan, indicates, political science research shows how hard it is to change votes even with significant spending.

And divisive speech is not illegal for Americans. In this case, however, the Russian money made the speech illegal. Federal law seems needlessly incoherent. Allowing foreign nationals to buy ads with disclosure of their participation would vindicate freedom of speech. It might be objected that allowing such spending would permit a hostile foreign power to fund and coordinate a propaganda campaign capable of affecting the outcome of an American election.

But allowing foreign nationals to fund lobbying efforts has not subjugated policymaking to foreign interests. Policymakers are assumed to be capable of sorting out arguments and interests. Perhaps voters are not as capable of doing so, although the unpopularity of RT suggests otherwise. The Mueller indictment may never move to trial because the indicted are unlikely to come to the United States. But even if you believe Americans should be protected from Russian ads, there is little need for federal action. The social media company most affected by the Russian efforts is regulating itself.

He notes that this policy involves both false positives some accounts with authentic users are taken down and false negatives some fake accounts stay up. Facebook now has a higher standard of ads transparency than has ever existed with TV or newspaper ads. In addition, all political and issue ads in the US must make clear who paid for them. And all these ads are put into a public archive which anyone can search to see how much was spent on an individual ad and the audience it reached. We now also require anyone running political or issue ads in the US to verify their identity and location. This prevents someone in Russia, for example, from buying political ads in the United States, and it adds another obstacle for people trying to hide their identity or location using fake accounts.

Facebook appears to be offering a private solution to the perceived threat to the integrity of elections and hence national security. No doubt some Russian accounts will escape the ban on fake accounts. But in this regard Facebook seems much better placed than the federal government to regulate Russian efforts. The private sector is doing what the public sector cannot and should not do. What about freedom of speech? The rule against accounts that do not identify their owner or location does not implicate the content of speech. Facebook requires disclosure of the funders of all political ads, including ads about issues only. In contrast, federal election law exempts some groups and individuals from disclosing funding for issue ads.

This broad sweep of disclosure may be a response to the content of speech. Zuckerberg writes:. Most of the divisive ads the Internet Research Agency ran in focused on issues—like civil rights or immigration—and did not promote specific candidates. To catch this behavior, we needed a broad definition of what constitutes an issue ad. So the broad definition is a response to what? The divisiveness of the speech?

Or the source of the speech? To the extent the rule seeks the source, it is roughly similar to federal law governing prohibited sources of funding. But if divisiveness leads to disclosure, Facebook is regulating, though not suppressing, speech based on its content. Congress has been concerned about Russian internet efforts during the election. These concerns have led some members to threaten to impose regulation on tech companies.

Social media comprise speech and little else. For that reason, as noted earlier, social media are largely immune from government regulation; they benefit from the priority given to private judgment in these matters. The cases for regulation of both kinds of speech have a common weakness. If we do not know what a term means, we cannot know how it applies. Thus, vagueness fosters unconstitutionality, as Nadine Strossen explains:. Moreover, when an unduly vague law regulates speech in particular, the law also violates the First Amendment because it inevitably deters people from engaging in constitutionally protected speech for fear that they might run afoul of the law.

Looked at another way, vagueness would lead government to suppress both prohibited and permitted speech. Given the importance attached to free speech in the United States, it is unlikely the benefits of suppressing speech would outweigh the costs of those false positives. Such costs would also indicate the chosen means were poorly tailored to the ends sought by the government; vagueness would suggest the government regulation of speech could not pass a strict scrutiny test. For these reasons, the following analysis pays close attention to the meanings of fake news and hate speech.

What is fake news? The relevant linguistic community might be working toward a clear definition. A recent European Commission Working Paper examines several definitions of fake news. Some elements of these definitions clearly could not pass muster under American constitutional law. Speech that fits a particular agenda, that makes people uncomfortable, or that affects the political landscape would all be protected by American courts. Apart from that, the term fake news appears to comprise three elements: intentionality, falsity, and a public harm. Each of these elements poses serious problems to the First Amendment. Apparently, only those who deliberately seek to mislead or divide listeners are liable for false or harmful speech, according to those who seek to regulate fake news.

But this intentionality standard itself does not work well with the remaining speech. If the government may not suppress false speech or speech that causes a public harm, then whether the speech is intended to cause a public harm does not matter. So we turn first to whether false and harmful speech may be sanctioned by the U. The falsity of speech refers to its content. Generally, governments in the United States may not prohibit or sanction speech because of its content.

In United States v. Courts have long recognized defamation as a general exception to the freedom of speech. Individuals defamed by others on social media may seek relief for a tort; the state then enforces the sanction on libelous speech. State sanctions require both harm to reputation and falsity; the exception is not for false speech per se. The standard of actual malice is quite demanding on those seeking relief. Moreover, Section of the Communications Decency Act of prevents social media platforms from being liable for the torts of their users. What other public harms are said to be caused by fake news? Many consumers now view news online. Distribution is now being performed by algorithmic advertising and distribution platforms such as search engines, news aggregators, and social media sites.

It is argued that editors cared about their reputation for quality news, but now the new distributors seek maximum traffic and advertising revenue instead. A European Commission study group suggests that these developments. This may contribute to news market failure when it becomes difficult for consumers to distinguish between good quality news and disinformation or fake news. News consumers might consume less news to avoid false or misleading information. This market failure argument for regulating fake news lacks empirical support. Scholarly literature notes that social media have offered both costs and benefits to consumers.

Private content moderators permit false speech. However, they manage such speech much more efficiently than the government. Facebook says:. Human rights law extends the same right to expression to those who wish to claim that the world is flat as to those who state that it is round—and so does Facebook. Although Facebook does not block false speech, it does make certain categories of false speech more difficult to find and points users toward other presumably more accurate articles about a topic. ThinkProgress took umbrage with the decision and criticized Facebook for granting a conservative publication the ability to downrank its content. The public values truth, and we hope that conspiracy theories and obvious falsehoods are bad for business.

Tech companies may sanction speech in circumstances where government must remain passive. Yet that empowerment has its own problems, not least of which is deciding between contending armies in an age of cultural wars. Many nations have undertaken regulation of fake news recently. If disinformation and fake news remain a problem, would the commission directly manage online speech or encourage national governments to take stronger measures to suppress such speech?

The United States regulates speech less than Europe does. Perhaps the European examples about regulating disinformation are not relevant for this nation. Little has been said during that debate about the limits of government power over online speech; much has been said about the dangers to democracy of permitting fake news. Should future national elections turn out badly, the United States might be tempted to take a more European attitude and approach to online speech. We should thus keep in mind that the case for public as opposed to private regulation of fake news online is weak. Fake news has no fixed meaning, and regulations would be unconstitutionally vague. The public values truth, but the search for truth in the United States must abide by the First Amendment, and the courts have held that false speech—the whole of which fake news is a part—also has the protection of the First Amendment.

But fake news might not be the most likely reason for suppressing online speech. Among other things, the authors state that the average IQ score of African Americans is one standard deviation below the average score of the population. Many also thought the book argued that nature was far more important than nurture in determining the IQ of individuals and groups, a claim that suggested social reforms would have little effect on individual and group outcomes. Was The Bell Curve hate speech? If not, where should elected officials draw the line between permitted and prohibited speech? The Supreme Court has resisted drawing such lines. Yet many nations regulate or prohibit speech offensive to protected groups.

They limit freedom of speech to advance other values such as equal dignity. This balancing of values was first developed in Germany and has spread to other jurisdictions in the post—World War II era. Those convicted of incitement may be jailed for up to five years. The United States has debated regulating hate speech for nearly a century. The Supreme Court has applied this general framework to protect speech hostile to racial minorities. In their decision in R.

City of St. In theory, it is possible for the courts to uphold viewpoint discrimination. Such distinctions must pass the strict scrutiny test discussed earlier. To do so, the Minneapolis regulation would have needed to be narrowly drawn to achieve a compelling government interest. The court recognized the importance of protecting minorities. Yet the government had other means to achieve that end, means that were neutral toward the content of the speech.

Paul precludes government suppression of hate speech. Accordingly, hate speech on social media lies beyond government power. In contrast to the government, social media managers may regulate speech by users that is hostile to some groups. Facebook does so extensively. Other major platforms have policies that protect people with a similar list of characteristics from hostile speech. In sum, the First Amendment does not permit government to censor speech to prevent harms to the public apart from known exceptions such as direct incitement to violence. The government may not censor fake news or hate speech.

Private regulators are doing what government officials may not do: regulating and suppressing speech believed to cause harm to citizens generally and protected groups specifically. Private action thus weakens the case for moving the United States toward a more European approach to fake news and hate speech. But such private action presents a mixed picture for supporters of robust protections for speech. The platforms offer less protection for speech than the government does. Social media managers discriminate among speakers according to the content of their speech and the viewpoints expressed. Private content governance of social media poses a quandary, particularly for libertarians and anyone who recognizes that private property implies a strong right for social media managers to control what happens on their internet platforms without government interference.

It seems likely that social media managers choose to limit speech in the short term to fulfill their larger goal of building a business for the long term. They may believe that excluding extreme speech is required to sustain and increase the number of users on their platform. Moreover, we should ask whether these efforts regarding hate speech along with private suppression of Russian speech, terrorist incitement, or fake news is truly a private decision and not state action. If Facebook or other platforms remove content to avoid government regulation, is such suppression state action or a hybrid of private choice determined by public threats and offers?

American history and political culture assign priority to the private in governing speech online and particularly on social media. The arguments advanced for a greater scope of government power do not stand up. Granting such power would gravely threaten free speech and the independence of the private sector. We have seen that these tech companies are grappling with many of the problems cited by those calling for public action.

The companies are technically sophisticated and thus far more capable of dealing with these issues. Of course, the efforts of the companies may warrant scrutiny and criticisms, now and in the future. But at the moment, a reasonable person can see promise in their efforts, particularly in contrast to the likely dangers posed by government regulation. Government officials may attempt directly or obliquely to compel tech companies to suppress disfavored speech. To avoid politicizing tech, it is vital that private content moderators be able to ignore explicit or implicit threats to their independence from government officials. It is Facebook, Medium, and Pinterest—not Congress or President Trump—that have a presumption of legitimacy to remove the speech of StormFront and similar websites.

These firms need to nurture their legitimacy to moderate content. But this task cannot be avoided. No one else can or should do the job. Remarks at presentation at the Cato Institute, November 28, Companies should not. Social media firms are often obligated to follow laws in nations where they operate. In the future, such laws may create enforceable transnational obligations.

For now, however, the debate concerns national audiences and policies. See David R. Johnson and David G. Obar and S. The reason the profile serves this backbone function is to enable social network connections between user accounts. Without identifying information, finding and connecting to others would be a challenge. Commercial speech plays a small part in these policy matters. Advertising, as will be shown, does matter. However, the speech carried by ads is political and not commercial. Red Lion Broadcasting Co. Federal Communications Commission , U. See the website for the Heritage Guide to the Constitution for a concise discussion. Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc. United States v. Carolene Products Co. Other reasons might counsel not regulating speech on social media.

The costs of such regulation might outweigh the benefits to society. Here I examine only rights that might preclude or weigh heavily against regulation. Miami Herald Pub. Tornillo , U. Eugene Volokh and Donald M. Batzel v.

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