❤❤❤ Passive Resistance To Independence

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Passive Resistance To Independence



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Nonviolence and Peace Movements: Crash Course World History 228

But before it was abolished, enslaved people had three available methods to resist a life in bondage:. The Stono Rebellion in , Gabriel Prosser's conspiracy in , Denmark Vesey's plot in , and Nat Turner's Rebellion in are the most prominent revolts by enslaved people in American history. White Southerners managed to derail the other planned rebellions before any attack could take place. Many enslavers in the United States became anxious in the wake of the successful revolt by enslaved people in Saint-Domingue now known as Haiti , which brought independence to the colony in after years of conflict with French, Spanish, and British military expeditions.

Enslaved people in the American colonies later the United States , knew that mounting a rebellion was extremely difficult. White people greatly outnumbered them. Bringing Africans to the United States to be sold into bondage ended in Enslavers had to rely on a natural increase in the population of enslaved people to increase their labor force. This meant "breeding" enslaved people, and many of them feared that their children, siblings, and other relatives would suffer the consequences if they rebelled.

Running away was another form of resistance. Most freedom seekers only managed to find freedom for a short time. They might hide in a nearby forest or visit a relative or spouse on another plantation. They did so to escape a harsh punishment that had been threatened, to obtain relief from a heavy workload, or just to escape life in bondage. Others were able to run away and escape permanently. Some escaped and hid, forming Maroon communities in nearby forests and swamps. When northern states began to abolish enslavement after the Revolutionary War, the North came to symbolize freedom for many enslaved people, who spread the word that following the North Star could lead to freedom.

Sometimes, these instructions were even spread musically, hidden in the words of spirituals. For instance, the spiritual "Follow the Drinking Gourd" made reference to the Big Dipper and the North Star and was likely used to guide freedom seekers north to Canada. Running away was difficult. Freedom seekers had to leave family members behind and risk harsh punishment or even death if caught. Many only triumphed after multiple attempts. More freedom seekers escaped from the upper South than from the lower South, as they were closer to the North and thus closer to freedom. It was a bit easier for young men because they were more likely to be sold away from their families, including their children.

Young men were also sometimes "hired out" to other plantations or sent on errands, so they could more easily come up with a cover story for being on their own. A network of sympathetic individuals who helped freedom seekers to escape to the north emerged by the 19th century. The "multitude of New Offices" referred to the customs posts that had been created in the s to control colonial smuggling.

The "swarms of Officers" that were purportedly eating out the substance of the colonies' three million people numbered about fifty in the entire continent. But Congress could hardly assail George III as a tyrant for appointing a few dozen men to enforce the laws against smuggling, so it clothed the charge in vague, evocative imagery that gave significance and emotional resonance to what otherwise might have seemed a rather paltry grievance. Third, although scholars often downplay the war grievances as "the weakest part of the Declaration," they were vital to its rhetorical strategy. They came last partly because they were the most recent of George III's "abuses and usurpations," but also because they constituted the ultimate proof of his plan to reduce the colonies under "absolute despotism.

To some extent, of course, the emotional intensity of the war grievances was a natural outgrowth of their subject. It is hard to write about warfare without using strong language. Moreover, as Jefferson explained a decade later in his famous "Head and Heart" letter to Maria Cosway, for many of the revolutionaries independence was, at bottom, an emotional--or sentimental--issue. But the emotional pitch of the war grievances was also part of a rhetorical strategy designed to solidify support for independence in those parts of America that had yet to suffer the physical and economic hardships of war.

As late as May John Adams lamented that while independence had strong support in New England and the South, it was less secure in the middle colonies, which "have never tasted the bitter Cup; they have never Smarted--and are therefore a little cooler. In similar fashion, the Declaration of Independence used images of terror to magnify the wickedness of George III, to arouse "the passions and feelings" of readers, and to awaken "from fatal and unmanly slumbers" those Americans who had yet to be directly touched by the ravages of war. Fourth, all of the charges against George III contain a substantial amount of strategic ambiguity. While they have a certain specificity in that they refer to actual historical events, they do not identify names, dates, or places.

This magnified the seriousness of the grievances by making it seem as if each charge referred not to a particular piece of legislation or to an isolated act in a single colony, but to a violation of the constitution that had been repeated on many occasions throughout America. The ambiguity of the grievances also made them more difficult to refute. In order to build a convincing case against the grievances, defenders of the king had to clarify each charge and what specific act or events it referred to, and then explain why the charge was not true.

Thus it took John Lind, who composed the most sustained British response to the Declaration, pages to answer the charges set forth by the Continental Congress in fewer than two dozen sentences. Although Lind deftly exposed many of the charges to be flimsy at best, his detailed and complex rebuttal did not stand a chance against the Declaration as a propaganda document. Nor has Lind's work fared much better since While the Declaration continues to command an international audience and has created an indelible popular image of George III as a tyrant, Lind's tract remains a piece of arcana, buried in the dustheap of history. But the British people had proved no more receptive to the Whigs than had the government, and so the Declaration follows the attack on George III by noting that the colonies had also appealed in vain to the people of Great Britain:.

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.

They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. This is one of the most artfully written sections of the Declaration. The first sentence, beginning "Nor. Sentences two through four, containing four successive clauses beginning "We Have. The fifth sentence--"They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity"--contains one of the few metaphors in the Declaration and acquires added force by its simplicity and brevity, which contrast with the greater length and complexity of the preceding sentence.

The final sentence unifies the paragraph by returning to the pattern of beginning with "We," and its intricate periodic structure plays off the simple structure of the fifth sentence so as to strengthen the cadence of the entire paragraph. The closing words--"Enemies in War, in Peace Friends"--employ chiasmus, a favorite rhetorical device of eighteenth-century writers. How effective the device is in this case can be gauged by rearranging the final words to read, "Enemies in War, Friends in Peace," which weakens both the force and harmony of the Declaration's phrasing. It is worth noting, as well, that this is the only part of the Declaration to employ much alliteration: "British brethren," "time to time," "common kindred," "which would," "connections and correspondence.

Of those words, an overwhelming number eighty-one of ninety-six contain only one syllable. The rest of the paragraph contains nine three- syllable words, eight four-syllable words, and four five-syllable words. This felicitous blend of a large number of very short words with a few very long ones is reminiscent of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and contributes greatly to the harmony, cadence, and eloquence of the Declaration, much as it contributes to the same features in Lincoln's immortal speech.

The British brethren section essentially finished the case for independence. Congress had set forth the conditions that justified revolution and had shown, as best it could, that those conditions existed in Great Britain's thirteen North American colonies. All that remained was for Congress to conclude the Declaration:. We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.

And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor. This final section of the Declaration is highly formulaic and has attracted attention primarily because of its closing sentence. Carl Becker deemed this sentence "perfection itself":. It is true assuming that men value life more than property, which is doubtful that the statement violates the rhetorical rule of climax; but it was a sure sense that made Jefferson place "lives" first and "fortunes" second. How much weaker if he had written "our fortunes, our lives, and our sacred honor"! Or suppose him to have used the word "property" instead of "fortunes"! Or suppose him to have omitted "sacred"!

Consider the effect of omitting any of the words, such as the last two "ours"--"our lives, fortunes, and sacred honor. Becker is correct in his judgment about the wording and rhythm of the sentence, but he errs in attributing high marks to Jefferson for his "sure sense" in placing "lives" before "fortunes. Colonial writers had used it with numbing regularity throughout the dispute with England along with other stock phrases such as "liberties and estates" and "life, liberty, and property". Its appearance in the Declaration can hardly be taken as a measure of Jefferson's felicity of expression. What marks Jefferson's "happy talent for composition" in this case is the coupling of "our sacred Honor" with "our Lives" and "our Fortunes" to create the eloquent trilogy that closes the Declaration.

The concept of honor and its cognates fame and glory exerted a powerful hold on the eighteenth-century mind. Writers of all kinds--philosophers, preachers, politicians, playwrights, poets--repeatedly speculated about the sources of honor and how to achieve it. Virtually every educated man in England or America was schooled in the classical maxim, "What is left when honor is lost? By pledging "our sacred Honor" in support of the Declaration, Congress made a particularly solemn vow. The pledge also carried a latent message that the revolutionaries, contrary to the claims of their detractors, were men of honor whose motives and actions could not only withstand the closest scrutiny by contemporary persons of quality and merit but would also deserve the approbation of posterity.

If the Revolution succeeded, its leaders stood to achieve lasting honor as what Francis Bacon called "Liberatores or Salvatores"-- men who "compound the long Miseries of Civil Wars, or deliver their Countries from Servitude of Strangers or Tyrants. On Bacon's five-point scale of supreme honor, such heroes ranked below only "Conditores Imperiorum, Founders of States and Commonwealths," such as Romulus, Caesar, and Ottoman, and "Lawgivers" such as Solon, Lycurgus, and Justinian, "also called Second Founders, or Perpetui Principes, because they Govern by their Ordinances after they are gone.

As a result it also unifies the whole text by subtly playing out the notion that the Revolution is a major turn in the broad "course of human events. At the same time, the final sentence completes a crucial metamorphosis in the text. Although the Declaration begins in an impersonal, even philosophical voice, it gradually becomes a kind of drama, with its tensions expressed more and more in personal terms. This transformation begins with the appearance of the villain, "the present King of Great Britain," who dominates the stage through the first nine grievances, all of which note what "He has" done without identifying the victim of his evil deeds.

Beginning with grievance 10 the king is joined on stage by the American colonists, who are identified as the victim by some form of first person plural reference: The king has sent "swarms of officers to harass our people," has quartered "armed troops among us," has imposed "taxes on us without our consent," "has taken away our charters, abolished our most valuable laws," and altered "the Forms of our Governments.

Throughout the grievances action is instigated by the king, as the colonists passively accept blow after blow without wavering in their loyalty. His villainy complete, George III leaves the stage and it is occupied next by the colonists and their "British brethren. This is marked by a shift in idiom from "He has" to "We have": "We have petitioned for redress. By the conclusion, only the colonists remain on stage to pronounce their dramatic closing lines: "We. The persistent use of "he" and "them," "us" and "our," "we" and "they" personalizes the British-American conflict and transfigures it from a complex struggle of multifarious origins and diverse motives to a simple moral drama in which a patiently suffering people courageously defend their liberty against a cruel and vicious tyrant.

It also reduces the psychic distance between the reader and the text and coaxes the reader into seeing the dispute with Great Britain through the eyes of the revolutionaries. As the drama of the Declaration unfolds, the reader is increasingly solicited to identify with Congress and "the good People of these Colonies," to share their sense of victimage, to participate vicariously in their struggle, and ultimately to act with them in their heroic quest for freedom.

In this respect, as in others, the Declaration is a work of consummate artistry. From its eloquent introduction to its aphoristic maxims of government, to its relentless accumulation of charges against George III, to its elegiac denunciation of the British people, to its heroic closing sentence, it sustains an almost perfect synthesis of style, form, and content. Its solemn and dignified tone, its graceful and unhurried cadence, its symmetry, energy, and confidence, its combination of logical structure and dramatic appeal, its adroit use of nuance and implication all contribute to its rhetorical power.

They refused, and within a week the strikers swelled to Within two weeks, between and workers went on strike. Gandhi, Thambi Naidoo and labour activist CR Naidoo moved around the area, urging workers to join the strike. On 23 October Gandhi announced that he would lead a march of workers out of the compounds and that they would seek arrest. The plan was to lead more than strikers across the border into the Transvaal, stopping at Charleston. The march was set to take place from 6 November. The Indian Mineworkers Strike in was part of the passive resistance campaign. Source: Omar Badsha, Private Collection. Coalmine owners then sought a meeting with Gandhi, and Gandhi met with them on 25 October at the Durban Chamber of Commerce. The mine owners consulted with government, which denied that they had promised to repeal the tax, and planned to issue an ultimatum for the workers to return to work.

On the day, 6 November, before the ultimatum could be communicated, Gandhi led strikers and their families on the march to Charleston. The next day, Thambi Naidoo led a further strikers towards the border. Another column of left the next day, and after a few days some strikers were on the march for the Transvaal. The strikers were supported by Indian businessmen, who arranged for food to be distributed along the length of the march.

Money was also sent from India to support the strikers. The strike spread to the south of Natal by the beginning of November, and by the 7th the strike was effectively underway, joined by about workers in spontaneous fashion. However most, according to Swan, remained in their barracks, refusing to work. Swan also notes that the strikers were unorganised, and motivated by rumour and unconfirmed reports of support from Gokhale, among other reasons. Meanwhile the marchers were on the move. They went first to Charleston, on the Transvaal-Natal border 60km from Newcastle.

They were given 1,5 pounds of bread and some sugar, and told to submit to the police if they were beaten, to behave hygienically and peacefully, and not to resist arrest. They arrived without incident, and were fed with food donated by local businessmen and cooked by Gandhi. Gandhi informed the government of their intention to continue into the Transvaal, and called on them to arrest the strikers before they arrived, but Smuts calculated that the strike would dissolve before long, and he decided on a policy of non-intervention.

Gandhi decided that if the strikers were not arrested, they would march to Tolstoy Farm in Lawley, 35km southwest of Johannesburg, covering 30 to 40km a day. The marchers then crossed the border into Volksrust, just 2km from Charleston, and proceeded to Palmford, a further 14km away, where Gandhi was arrested. He appeared in court in Volksrust but the judge allowed for bail, which Kallenbach paid, leaving Gandhi free to join the marchers. When the marchers arrived at Standerton, Gandhi was again arrested, this time by a magistrate. Again he was freed. Two days later, on 9 November, Gandhi was arrested yet again. On 10 November the government arrested the marchers in Balfour and put them on a train to Natal. By the end of November, the strike was also coming to an end, and workers began returning to their places of employment.

The strike — by about 20 Indian workers in total — paralysed sections of the economy of Natal, especially the sugar industry, and questions arose regarding law and order exercised by the authorities. Rumours that black workers were poised to join the strike sent shivers through the province. Police were sent in and some workers were shot and killed. Reactions to the strike and march stung the government, especially those of Imperial Britain. Lord Harding, the British viceroy in India, delivered a speech in Madras, India, in which he lashed out at the South African government and demanded a commission of inquiry.

The government released Gandhi, Kallenbach and Polak on 18 December , and announced the establishment of a commission of inquiry. Gandhi was opposed to the appointment of two of the members of the three-man Soloman commission, but Smuts ignored his objections. Gandhi announced that he would lead a mass march on 1 January , but when white railway workers went on strike, Gandhi withdrew his threat, reasoning that to continue would be against the spirit of Satyagraha.

Release of passive resistance leaders from prison. Source: Transvaal Pictoral. Smuts and Gandhi entered into a series of meetings to resolve the Indian question — after Smuts had declared martial law while dealing with the railway strike. Acknowledging that Indians saw Smuts as having broken his word after the negotiation, Smuts insisted that the pair pore over every word so that no misinterpretation was possible. On 30 June, they concluded their agreement, which became law in the form of the Indian Relief Bill. Gandhi left South Africa for England on 18 July , never to return again. However he would continue to have an interest in South African affairs, and would meet with Communist Party leader Yusuf Dadoo years later when the latter went to India to gather support for Indian struggles in South Africa.

The ANC was committed to the principle of non-violent resistance until the late s, when it began to contemplate armed struggle. It was the Sharpeville Massacre of that became the turning point for the ANC, after which violent resistance was sanctioned. Later, in the s, the UDF also took up the principle of non-violent resistance, especially leaders such as Alan Boesak, Desmond Tutu and Mkhuseli Jack, many of themspecifically citing Gandhi as an influence.

A delegation led by Howard Thurman, a Baptist minister, theologian, and academic from the American South, met with Gandhi in CORE staged non-violent protests against racist employment practices in Chicago, and Rustin was jailed for three years when, as a conscientious objector, he refused to serve in the army during WWII. Gandhi proved to be a major influence on Martin Luther King, who rushed out to buy as many books as he could on Gandhi after listening to a lecture by Mordecai Johnson on non-violent resistance. King and Rustin were the prime movers behind the civil rights movement in the s and s, which reached its height in period from to Kwame Nkruma explicitly cited Gandhi as an influence, and while Kenneth Kaunda and Julius Nyerere never fully accepted the Gandhian philosophy of non-violence, they used the concept to guide their political struggles.

Del Vasto fasted for twenty days in to end the torture of Algerians by the French military. The s saw a reawakening of the principle of non-violent struggle, with groups in Poland the Solidarity movement , Chile, the Philippines, Palestine the Intifada movement , China and Burma Aung San Suu Kyi adopting Gandhian methods of resistance to oppressive laws. Other movements also used Gandhian ideas. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament cited Gandhi as an influence in its struggle to urge nations to reject the use of nuclear weapons.

Environmental movements such as Greenpeace have used non-violence as a method to fight their battles against nuclear proliferation and ecological destruction.

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