⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Ancient Greek Citizenship Analysis

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Ancient Greek Citizenship Analysis

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The extent of their similarity to modern nation-states is controversial. It belongs to one of the three main branches of science, which Aristotle distinguishes by their ends or objects. Contemplative science including physics and metaphysics is concerned with truth or knowledge for its own sake; practical science with good action; and productive science with making useful or beautiful objects Top. Politics is a practical science, since it is concerned with the noble action or happiness of the citizens although it resembles a productive science in that it seeks to create, preserve, and reform political systems.

Aristotle thus understands politics as a normative or prescriptive discipline rather than as a purely empirical or descriptive inquiry. It prescribes which sciences are to be studied in the city-state, and the others — such as military science, household management, and rhetoric — fall under its authority. Since it governs the other practical sciences, their ends serve as means to its end, which is nothing less than the human good.

Aristotle's political science thus encompasses the two fields which modern philosophers distinguish as ethics and political philosophy. See the entry on Aristotle's ethics. Political philosophy in the narrow sense is roughly speaking the subject of his treatise called the Politics. For a further discussion of this topic, see the following supplementary document:. Political science studies the tasks of the politician or statesman politikos , in much the way that medical science concerns the work of the physician see Politics IV. It is, in fact, the body of knowledge that such practitioners, if truly expert, will also wield in pursuing their tasks. This involves enduring laws, customs, and institutions including a system of moral education for the citizens. Once the constitution is in place, the politician needs to take the appropriate measures to maintain it, to introduce reforms when he finds them necessary, and to prevent developments which might subvert the political system.

This is the province of legislative science, which Aristotle regards as more important than politics as exercised in everyday political activity such as the passing of decrees see EN VI. Aristotle frequently compares the politician to a craftsman. The analogy is imprecise because politics, in the strict sense of legislative science, is a form of practical knowledge, while a craft like architecture or medicine is a form of productive knowledge. However, the comparison is valid to the extent that the politician produces, operates, maintains a legal system according to universal principles EN VI. In order to appreciate this analogy it is helpful to observe that Aristotle explains the production of an artifact in terms of four causes: the material, formal, efficient, and final causes Phys.

For example, clay material cause is molded into a vase shape formal cause by a potter efficient or moving cause so that it can contain liquid final cause. For discussion of the four causes see the entry on Aristotle's physics. One can also explain the existence of the city-state in terms of the four causes. Hence, it is made up of parts, which Aristotle describes in various ways in different contexts: as households, or economic classes e.

But, ultimately, the city-state is composed of individual citizens see III. The formal cause of the city-state is its constitution politeia. The constitution is not a written document, but an immanent organizing principle, analogous to the soul of an organism. Here the citizens are that minority of the resident population who possess full political rights III. The existence of the city-state also requires an efficient cause, namely, its ruler. On Aristotle's view, a community of any sort can possess order only if it has a ruling element or authority. This ruling principle is defined by the constitution, which sets criteria for political offices, particularly the sovereign office III. However, on a deeper level, there must be an efficient cause to explain why a city-state acquires its constitution in the first place.

Soon after, he states that the city-state comes into being for the sake of life but exists for the sake of the good life 2. The theme that the good life or happiness is the proper end of the city-state recurs throughout the Politics III. To sum up, the city-state is a hylomorphic i. The constitution itself is fashioned by the lawgiver and is governed by politicians, who are like craftsmen efficient cause , and the constitution defines the aim of the city-state final cause, IV. Aristotle's hylomorphic analysis has important practical implications for him: just as a craftsman should not try to impose a form on materials for which it is unsuited e.

Aristotle accordingly rejects utopian schemes such as the proposal in Plato's Republic that children and property should belong to all the citizens in common. For this runs afoul of the fact that "people give most attention to their own property, less to what is communal, or only as much as falls to them to give attention" Pol. Aristotle is also wary of casual political innovation, because it can have the deleterious side-effect of undermining the citizens' habit of obeying the law II. For a further discussion of the theoretical foundations of Aristotle's politics, see the following supplementary document:.

It is in these terms, then, that Aristotle understands the fundamental normative problem of politics: What constitutional form should the lawgiver establish and preserve in what material for the sake of what end? His general theory of constitutions is set forth in Politics III. Citizens are distinguished from other inhabitants, such as resident aliens and slaves; and even children and seniors are not unqualified citizens nor are most ordinary workers. After further analysis he defines the citizen as a person who has the right exousia to participate in deliberative or judicial office b18— In Athens, for example, citizens had the right to attend the assembly, the council, and other bodies, or to sit on juries.

The Athenian system differed from a modern representative democracy in that the citizens were more directly involved in governing. Although full citizenship tended to be restricted in the Greek city-states with women, slaves, foreigners, and some others excluded , the citizens were more deeply enfranchised than in modern representative democracies because they were more directly involved in governing.

This is reflected in Aristotle's definition of the citizen without qualification. Further, he defines the city-state in the unqualified sense as a multitude of such citizens which is adequate for a self-sufficient life b Aristotle defines the constitution politeia as a way of organizing the offices of the city-state, particularly the sovereign office III. The constitution thus defines the governing body, which takes different forms: for example, in a democracy it is the people, and in an oligarchy it is a select few the wealthy or well born. Before attempting to distinguish and evaluate various constitutions Aristotle considers two questions.

First, why does a city-state come into being? He recalls the thesis, defended in Politics I. Second, what are the different forms of rule by which one individual or group can rule over another? Aristotle distinguishes several types of rule, based on the nature of the soul of the ruler and of the subject. He first considers despotic rule, which is exemplified in the master-slave relationship. Aristotle thinks that this form of rule is justified in the case of natural slaves who he asserts without evidence lack a deliberative faculty and thus need a natural master to direct them I. Although a natural slave allegedly benefits from having a master, despotic rule is still primarily for the sake of the master and only incidentally for the slave III.

Aristotle provides no argument for this: if some persons are congenitally incapable of self-governance, why should they not be ruled primarily for their own sakes? Aristotle's arguments about slaves and women appear so weak that some commentators take them to be ironic. However, what is obvious to a modern reader need not have been so to an ancient Greek, so that it is not necessary to suppose that Aristotle's discussion is ironic. It is noteworthy, however, that paternal and marital rule are properly practiced for the sake of the ruled for the sake of the child and of the wife respectively , just as arts like medicine or gymnastics are practiced for the sake of the patient III.

In this respect they resemble political rule, which is the form of rule appropriate when the ruler and the subject have equal and similar rational cacapacities. This is exemplified by naturally equal citizens who take turns at ruling for one another's advantage a8— The distinction between correct and deviant constitutions is combined with the observation that the government may consist of one person, a few, or a multitude.

Hence, there are six possible constitutional forms Politics III. This six-fold classification which is adapted from Plato's Statesman c-d sets the stage for Aristotle's inquiry into the best constitution, although it is modified in various ways throughout the Politics. For example, he observes that the dominant class in oligarchy literally rule of the oligoi , i. Aristotle's constitutional theory is based on his theory of justice, which is expounded in Nicomachean Ethics book V.

The conception of universal justice undergirds the distinction between correct just and deviant unjust constitutions. Some passages imply that justice involves the advantage of all the citizens; for example, every citizen of the best constitution has a just claim to private property and to an education Pol. Whether Aristotle understands the common advantage as safeguarding the interests of each and every citizen has a bearing on whether he anticipates what moderns would understand as a theory of individual rights. See Fred Miller and Richard Kraut for differing interpretations. Aristotle analyzes arguments for and against the different constitutions as different applications of the principle of distributive justice III.

Everyone agrees, he says, that justice involves treating equal persons equally, and treating unequal persons unequally, but they do not agree on the standard by which individuals are deemed to be equally or unequally meritorious or deserving. He assumes his own analysis of distributive justice set forth in Nicomachean Ethics V. The oligarchs mistakenly think that those who are superior in wealth should also have superior political rights, whereas the democrats hold that those who are equal in free birth should also have equal political rights.

Both of these conceptions of political justice are mistaken in Aristotle's view, because they assume a false conception of the ultimate end of the city-state. The city-state is neither a business enterprise to maximize wealth as the oligarchs suppose nor an association to promote liberty and equality as the democrats maintain. Hence, the correct conception of justice is aristocratic, assigning political rights to those who make a full contribution to the political community, that is, to those with virtue as well as property and freedom a4—8.

Aristotle explores the implications of this argument in the remainder of Politics III, considering the rival claims of the rule of law and the rule of a supremely virtuous individual. Here absolute kingship is a limiting case of aristocracy. But it might in principle have been called 'Argive', 'Achaean', or 'Danaan', since the three names that Homer does apply to Greeks collectively were 'Argives', 'Achaeans', and 'Danaans'. The impulse of Panhellenism is already at work in Homeric and Hesiodic poetry. Histories , 7. Iliad , 2. Meteorologica , 1. Iliad , Catalogue of Women , Fragment 5. Since then Greek has enjoyed a continuous tradition down to the present day.

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Laliotou, Ioanna Volume II: Diaspora Communities. Latacz, Joachim Levene, Mark Holocaust and Genocide Studies. Lucore, Sandra K. Three out of 40 samples fulfilling these criteria had acceptable nuclear contamination rates: Two samples from the Pre-Ptolemaic Periods New Kingdom to Late Period had 5. As shown below, to rule out any impact of potential contamination on our results, we analysed the three samples separately or replicated results using only the least contaminated sample.

To test for genetic differentiation and homogeneity we compared haplogroup composition, calculated F ST -statistics 28 and applied a test for population continuity 29 Supplementary Table 2 , Supplementary Data 3,4 on mitochondrial genome data from the three ancient and two modern-day populations from Egypt and Ethiopia, published by Pagani and colleagues 17 , including modern Egyptian and modern Ethiopian samples Fig. We observe highly similar haplogroup profiles between the three ancient groups Fig.

To further test genetic affinities and shared ancestry with modern-day African and West Eurasian populations we performed a principal component analysis PCA based on haplogroup frequencies and Multidimensional Scaling of pairwise genetic distances. We find that all three ancient Egyptian groups cluster together Fig. Both analyses reveal higher affinities with modern populations from the Near East and the Levant compared to modern Egyptians Fig.

The affinity to the Middle East finds further support by the Y-chromosome haplogroups of the three individuals for which genome-wide data was obtained, two of which could be assigned to the Middle-Eastern haplogroup J, and one to haplogroup E1b1b1 common in North Africa Supplementary Table 3. Vertical bars indicate the ages of the analysed 90 mitochondrial genomes three samples with genome-wide data highlighted in red.

Note that the values on y axis are given in female effective population size times generation time and were rescaled by The finding of a continuous population through time allowed us to estimate the effective population size N e from directly radiocarbon-dated mitochondrial genomes using BEAST Our results show similar values of effective population size in the different ancient time periods with an average value of between ca.

This is important as it is the first time that such estimates can be contrasted with reported historic Egyptian census numbers from the neighbouring Fayum in the early Ptolemaic Period, which had a reported total population size of 85,—95, inhabitants On the nuclear level we merged the SNP data of our three ancient individuals with 2, modern individuals 34 , 35 and ancient genomes 36 and performed PCA on the joined data set. We found the ancient Egyptian samples falling distinct from modern Egyptians, and closer towards Near Eastern and European samples Fig. In contrast, modern Egyptians are shifted towards sub-Saharan African populations.

In contrast, a substantially larger sub-Saharan African component, found primarily in West-African Yoruba, is seen in modern Egyptians compared to the ancient samples. We used outgroup f 3 -statistics 38 Fig. We find that ancient Egyptians are most closely related to Neolithic and Bronze Age samples in the Levant, as well as to Neolithic Anatolian and European populations Fig. When comparing this pattern with modern Egyptians, we find that the ancient Egyptians are more closely related to all modern and ancient European populations that we tested Fig.

By computing f 3 -statistics 38 , we determined whether modern Egyptians could be modelled as a mixture of ancient Egyptian and other populations. Our results point towards sub-Saharan African populations as the missing component Fig. Finally, we used two methods to estimate the fractions of sub-Saharan African ancestry in ancient and modern Egyptians. We then used ALDER 40 to estimate the time of a putative pulse-like admixture event, which was estimated to have occurred 24 generations ago years ago , consistent with previous results from Henn and colleagues The most negative Z -scores indicate the most likely source populations. Finally, we analysed several functionally relevant SNPs in sample JK, which had low contamination and relatively high coverage.

This individual had a derived allele at the SLC24A5 locus, which contributes to lighter skin pigmentation and was shown to be at high frequency in Neolithic Anatolia 41 , consistent with the ancestral affinity shown above. This study demonstrates that the challenges of ancient DNA work on Egyptian mummies can be overcome with enrichment strategies followed by high-throughput DNA sequencing.

More specifically, it can supplement and serve as a corrective to archaeological and literary data that are often unevenly distributed across time, space and important constituents of social difference such as gender and class as well as modern genetic data from contemporary populations that may not be fully representative of past populations. The archaeological site Abusir el-Meleq was inhabited from at least BCE until about CE and was of great religious significance because of its active cult to Osiris, the god of the dead, which made it an attractive burial site for centuries 2. Written sources indicate that by the third century BCE Abusir el-Meleq was at the centre of a wider region that comprised the northern part of the Herakleopolites province, and had close ties with the Fayum and the Memphite provinces, involving the transport of wheat, cattle-breeding, bee-keeping and quarrying In the early Roman Period, the site appears to have been the main centre in its own district Later, in the Roman Period, many veterans of the Roman army—who, initially at least, were not Egyptian but people from disparate cultural backgrounds—settled in the Fayum area after the completion of their service, and formed social relations and intermarried with local populations Importantly, there is evidence for foreign influence at Abusir el-Meleq.

Taken together with the multitude of Greek papyri that were written at the site, this evidence strongly suggests that at least some inhabitants of Abusir el-Meleq were literate in, and able to speak, Greek However, a general issue concerning the site is that several details of the context of the individuals analysed in this study were lost over time. All of the material was excavated by Rubensohn in the early twentieth century, whose main interest was to obtain literary papyri from cartonnage rather than to excavate human remains Furthermore, many of his excavation diaries and notes were destroyed during the Second World War However, the finds nevertheless hold much promise for a long-term study of population dynamics in ancient Egypt.

Abusir el-Meleq is arguably one of the few sites in Egypt, for which such a vast number of individuals with such an extensive chronological spread are available for ancient DNA analysis. The widespread mummification treatments in the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods in particular, leading to a decline in standards and costs 48 and the generally modest appearance of many burials further supports this assessment. By comparing ancient individuals from Abusir el-Meleq with modern Egyptian reference populations, we found an influx of sub-Saharan African ancestry after the Roman Period, which corroborates the findings by Henn and colleagues Further investigation would be needed to link this influx to particular historic processes. Possible causal factors include increased mobility down the Nile and increased long-distance commerce between sub-Saharan Africa and Egypt Trans-Saharan slave trade may have been particularly important as it moved between 6 and 7 million sub-Saharan slaves to Northern Africa over a span of some 1, years, reaching its high point in the nineteenth century However, we note that all our genetic data were obtained from a single site in Middle Egypt and may not be representative for all of ancient Egypt.

It is possible that populations in the south of Egypt were more closely related to those of Nubia and had a higher sub-Saharan genetic component, in which case the argument for an influx of sub-Saharan ancestries after the Roman Period might only be partially valid and have to be nuanced. Throughout Pharaonic history there was intense interaction between Egypt and Nubia, ranging from trade to conquest and colonialism, and there is compelling evidence for ethnic complexity within households with Egyptian men marrying Nubian women and vice versa 51 , 52 , Clearly, more genetic studies on ancient human remains from southern Egypt and Sudan are needed before apodictic statements can be made.

The ancient DNA data revealed a high level of affinity between the ancient inhabitants of Abusir el-Meleq and modern populations from the Near East and the Levant. Our data seem to indicate close admixture and affinity at a much earlier date, which is unsurprising given the long and complex connections between Egypt and the Middle East. These connections date back to Prehistory and occurred at a variety of scales, including overland and maritime commerce, diplomacy, immigration, invasion and deportation Especially from the second millennium BCE onwards, there were intense, historically- and archaeologically documented contacts, including the large-scale immigration of Canaanite populations, known as the Hyksos, into Lower Egypt, whose origins lie in the Middle Bronze Age Levant It is possible that the genetic impact of Greek and Roman immigration was more pronounced in the north-western Delta and the Fayum, where most Greek and Roman settlement concentrated 43 , 55 , or among the higher classes of Egyptian society Under Ptolemaic and Roman rule, ethnic descent was crucial to belonging to an elite group and afforded a privileged position in society Such policies are likely to have affected the intermarriage of Romans and non-Romans to a degree Additional genetic studies on ancient human remains from Egypt are needed with extensive geographical, social and chronological spread in order to expand our current picture in variety, accuracy and detail.

However, our results revise previous scepticism towards the DNA preservation in ancient Egyptian mummies due to climate conditions or mummification procedures 8. In addition, the surface of the bone or tissue samples was removed and the teeth were sampled from inside of the tooth pulp. A silica purification protocol was applied as described in ref. Extraction and library blanks were treated accordingly. All samples were enriched for human mitochondrial DNA via bead capture hybridization as detailed elsewhere All reads with a mapping quality of at least 30 were kept for the subsequent analysis. Duplicate reads have been removed using DeDup v0.

Mitochondrial haplogroups have been determined using HaploGrep 2 ref. Further details of the analysis parameters can be found in Supplementary Note 3. As can be seen in Supplementary Data 1 , we achieved coverages ranging from fold up to fold on the mitochondrial genome, with an average of fold. Accompanying measures to limit contamination of the libraries in the laboratory work, in silico analysis has been done in order to authenticate samples and further determine the amount of potential contamination on the mitochondrial level. Negative controls were processed in parallel with samples.

The former show no substantial mapping rates and suggest that the amount of DNA introduced during laboratory work could be kept on a minimal level. The authenticity of the samples has been further assessed by applying a number of methods and criteria. MapDamage 2. The degree of mitochondrial DNA contamination as well as contamination estimates based on the deamination patterns have been assessed using schmutzi 15 , generating consensus sequences of both contaminant and supposedly endogenous DNA simultaneously.

We furthermore determined whether there are inconsistencies between our haplogroup assignments of the mitochondrial and the nuclear capture respectively, but did not find any see Supplementary Data 3 for details. Furthermore, the contamination estimation methods showed very low levels of contamination after comparison to a database of putative contaminants, as provided by the used method schmutzi. The target SNPs consist of panels 1 and 2 as described in Mathieson et al.

For each of the 40 samples, we sequenced two captured libraries: one with enzymatic damage repair UDG , one without non-UDG. We determined the sex of each sample by obtaining the average coverage on X chromosome, Y chromosome and autosomal SNPs in the capture pool using a custom script. Supplementary Data 2 summarizes all these results. In all three of these samples, contamination estimates were acceptable, and similar in both UDG and non-UDG libraries as can be seen in Supplementary Data 2. The resulting genotypes were merged with data from two other data sets: First, 2, modern individuals genotyped on the Affymetrix Human Origins Array 34 , 35 ; second, ancient genomes A subset is shown in Fig. For the plot shown in Supplementary Fig. For the plot in Fig. For the map plot in Fig.

The result is shown in Supplementary Fig. F ST values were calculated using Arlequin v3. To determine the most suitable parameter set and substitution method, we used jModelTest v2. P values for the calculated F ST values were corrected for multiple comparisons to minimize the probability of type I errors false positives using the Benjamini—Hochberg method 66 , a false discovery rate-based method implemented in the p. We split our individuals in three groups Pre-Ptolemaic, Ptolemaic and Roman Period based on the 14 C dates obtained from the samples Supplementary Data 1. However, as the intra-group distances of our three ancient populations were not significantly different from each other, we merged all three ancient populations in a single set to perform F ST analyses between modern populations and the ancient meta population with more statistical power than keeping the individual populations separate.

Our results can be found in Supplementary Table 2. To determine the relationships between our ancient samples from the Pre-Ptolemaic, Ptolemaic and Roman time periods in contrast to modern populations in the respective areas, we performed a multi-dimensional scaling MDS analysis of the HVR-1 sequences Supplementary Data 4. The genetic distances were calculated in Arlequin v3.

Our ancient Egyptian samples have been pooled here in order to provide more significant statistical evidence in the analysis, which can be justified due to their relatively small intraspecific differences between our three investigated time periods in the previous F st analysis on their full mitochondrial genomes. For details on the geographic mapping, see Supplementary Note 4. We used the 90 mitochondrial genomes obtained in this study, together with modern Egyptian mtDNA genomes from Pagani and colleagues 17 and Kujanova and colleagues 30 for Bayesian reconstruction of population size changes through time.

We partitioned the alignment using the krmeans algorithm in PartitionFinder2 ref. We used averages from the calibrated radiocarbon age ranges for each ancient sample as tip dates for molecular clock calibration. We conducted Bayesian inference using strict clock with an uninformative CTMC reference prior for each partition and Bayesian SkyGrid tree prior with 50 parameters gamma prior with shape 0. We inspected mixing and convergence in Tracer v 1. Effective sample size for all parameters exceeded The obtained Bayesian SkyGrid plot indicates a fairly stable slightly decreasing effective population size for the studied population over the last 5, years Fig. We performed a PCA to define relationships between our three ancient Egyptian populations based on their haplogroup compositions and modern, present-day populations from Europe, the Near East, West Asia and Africa.

Subsequently, we generated a table of the respective intra-population frequencies. Our intent was to determine whether we can detect traces of genetic continuity between our three ancient populations and two comparative modern data sets. The applied method was first used and described by Brandt et al. We generated counts of 22 haplogroups determined manually to be most descriptive for our three ancient populations and chose a set of priors for effective population size, generation length and furthermore evaluated further parameters see Supplementary Note 5. Especially since we are unable to determine a real value of population size during this time period, we relied on historic records for the Fayum oasis and estimated a conservative population size from this Supplementary Table 4.

To even further ensure that these chosen values are not changing our results drastically, we evaluated ranges around these assumptions to test whether our results changed significantly. We determined the Y chromosomal haplogroups for our three nuclear captured individuals by examining the state of phylogenetic relevant SNPs present in ISOGG version The assignment was performed with reads that show a mapping quality of more than 30 only. We derived the haplogroups by identifying the most derived Y chromosomal SNPs in each individual see Supplementary Table 3 for details. Our analysis furthermore shows that derived alleles for the genes SLC24A5, known to be responsible for partially lighter skin pigmentation were present in both JK and JK see Supplementary Note 6 for details.

For JK, there was no sufficient coverage after quality filtering at all the specific sites, which is why the analysis revealed no further clues. How to cite this article: Schuenemann, V. Ancient Egyptian mummy genomes suggest an increase of Sub-Saharan African ancestry in post-Roman periods. Shaw, I. Riggs, C. Coussement, S. Studia Hellenistica 55 Peeters Publishers, Broux, Y. Studia Hellenistica 54 Peeters Publishers, Shriner, D. Migration route out of Africa unresolved by Egyptian and Ethiopian whole genome sequences. Google Scholar. Paabo, S. Molecular cloning of ancient Egyptian mummy DNA. Nature , — CAS Google Scholar. Ancient DNA: extraction, characterization, molecular cloning, and enzymatic amplification.

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